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HOLLINGER 
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' A TWO EDGED SWOED. 

EXTRAORDINARY DISCLOSURE 

OF 

ARBITRARY POWER UNDER THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT OF 
THE UNITED STATES. 

Developed by the Author for the consideration of the People, the President, and both Houses of 

Congress, in support of Equal Rights and Equal Privileges, under the Constitution 

of the United States. 

^ : 



CHAPTER I. 
Valuable Preface, and brief account of the author. 

CHAPTER II. 

Moral worth and good principles of Col. Bumford — The wishes of General Macomb overruled — 
Arbitrary power of Major Hook, against an enlisted soldier. 

CHAPTER III. 

Col. Bumford's true character — New Office opened by order of Secretary Cass — Arbitrary power 

of Gen. R. Jones — Moral firmness of Secretary Cass. 

' CHAPTER IV. 

Cemment upon the moral firrnness and independence of the Hon, Secretary of War. Cass — Shame- 
ful conduct — Arbitrary power of R. Jones — Want of moral firmness in President Jackson. 

CHAPTER V. 
A valuable comment for the soldier upon the 11th Article of War — Want of moral firmness and 
independence in Secretary Cass — Want of knowledge, or respect for the law, or moral inde- 
pendence, m a Committee of the Senate of the United States — The overruling influence of 
the silk-stocking gentry against the poor. 

CHAPTER VI. 
President Jackson's opinion of an arbitrary act of R. Jones — Want of moral firmness and inde- 
pendence. 

CHAPTER VII. 

Valuable comment for the Senate of the United States upon Lieutenant Thomas' Report. Good 

hints for the Committee on Claims. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Van Buren's Administration — Moral firmness and independence of John Tyler — Singular conduct 

of the Secretary of War under him. 

CHAPTER IX. 

James K. Polk's Administration to this time — Singular conduct of Bancroft, Secretary of the Navy 
— Strange interview with Buchanan, Secretary of State — Interview with W. L. Marcy, Sec- 
retary of War — Interview with Secretry Walker — All found to possess every kind of good 
philesophical sense, but son» deficient in good commog sense, in which there is no aristoc- 
racy, but an innate principle of true charity and a love of truth. 

CHAPTER X. 

The Executive power of the Government of the United States, briefly explained for the comulioa 

interests of the country. 

CHAPTER XI. 
Capstone of the structure. 

BY 
^EDWARD D. TIPPETT, 
1846. ' 



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DISCLOSURE, &c. 



CHAPTER I. 



In publishing this pamphlet to the world, the reader will carefull}' notice that 
it is of a three-fold nature: First, in vindication of my abilities as a recording 
Clerk, so unjustly and wickedly stated to be incompetent in a report made to the 
Senate of the United States, upon a just and righteous claim submitted to that ho- 
norable body for examination, in connexion with the laws of the United States 
in virtue of equal rights and equal privileges under the Constitution of this great 
Republic. Secondli/., it has for its object, the correction of long standing evils ia 
the abuse of power, contrary to the established laws, and the acts of the Congress 
of the United States, by exposing shameful principles of aristocracy and favorit- 
ism. Thirdly, it is designed to transmit to the people of the U. S. a perfect know- 
ledge of their rights under executive power, which is not generally understood. 
It is to lay before the public, in as brief a manner as practicable, the duties of the 
executive power of this nation, to cany out the true principles of equal rights and 
equal privileges, under the American Constitution, and to call upon the people to 
make one united effort to batter down the walls of tyranny and oppression, which 
are now advancing rapidly to a mighty bulwark, and will eventually become a 
structure not to be moved by the power and breath of words. 

h is to make one more mighty effort, in addition to my late pamphlet, of May, 
1845, to call the people to the charge; to arouse them to immediate action for 
the maintenance of justice, and the establishment of their rights by constituted law, 
not to be violated by mortal man, without conviction. It is to show that the poor 
man has rights and privileges which must be maintained by the executive, as well 
as — man of gilt buttons; that the rich and mighty men of eagle coats, have no 
more power in equity, according to the laws of the nation, than the most weak and 
abject citizen of the United States. 

It is to show that the Congress of the United States has wisely provided for 
the maintenance of peace and good order in the councils of the nation, and that 
the law is only violated for the want of moral courage and independence in our 
rulers ; that by nature, man is prone to wander away from justice, to favor the 
rich, to the injury of the poor, and that thousands are now suffering, for the want 
of stern moral integrity, in the execution of the duties Diade binding and obligatory ; 
it is to lay before the public, facts to prove an existing principle in all the heads of 
departments to favor the strong and to oppress the weak ; to fill the mouths of the 
rich, with the good things of this life, and the poor, to send empty away. 

It is to show that whatever our pretensions may be, to the cause of true democ- 
racy, and the efforts u e may make to elect gentlemen to carry out the true prin- 
ciples of our institutions, there is no confidence to be placed in breath of words, 
[t is to show that moral courage and independence to defend the equal rights of 
man, are qualifications seldom to be found in a candidate for oflice ; that the heart 
of man is deceitful above all things, and that nothing will secure our country 
from the ultimate end of all republics, but the law and the testimony, and that to 
perpetuate our institutions, the judgments of the people must be informed and their 
rights well understood. 

It is to show that every gentleman offeiing as a candidlate to serve the people 
in the .capacity of a judge, ruler, or a legislator, should first be solemnly sworn 
that, in the event of his election he will judge, rule and act, in all instances, with- 
out partiality or favoritism ; that he will defend the rights of the poor, as well as 



the rich ; ihat he will not allow any principle of oppression, if he has it in his 
power to prevent it; that he will attend to the calls of the ccmmon people with 
the same eijual friendship as for the more wealthy; that he will execute the laws 
of the land, with a special view to justice and truth ; and that lie will examine 
and adjust every case of complaint or dispute, with profound reference to the laws 
of the United States, without favor or affection. 

Such has been the injustice and neglect of duty, by gentlemen of loud prom- 
ises as will be shown by the following statement of facts, that it becomes neces- 
sary to warn the people, and to call upon them, never to give their voles, for any 
man to office under the government until he shall have solemnly complied with the 
above form of oath with as much more as they may think necessary to make 
binding. The following narrative will show that a candidate for office may be a 
man of many words but wonderfully deficient of moral firmness, integrity, and 
independence, and not capable of being the ruler ot a great nation. In the year 
]822 as thousauds had been before me, by an overruling Providence, I had become 
straightened in my circumstances, notwithstanding my attention to duties, and found 
jt necessary to change my former business if practicable. I had been a very suc- 
cessful public teacher and perhaps few better situated, but there was a just cause 
for me to seek a change, at this moment of ray life, not generally understood ; 
many have blamed me for not continuing to perform the duties of a teacher, but 
the following correct and well known principles of my own heart, will satisfy 
the reader that I have studied with care my true character, and that I have found 
by experience, that I was not calculated to advance in the business of a common 
school, that bad as the busmess is known to be by thousands, there was one that 
made it distressing, and very unprotitable in my case, and hence the necessity of 
a change. 

I had been for years a public teacher, and had been paid by special appropriation, 
but after the diff'erence that took place between me and the board of' trustees of 
the Eastern Academy which ended in my discharge aristocraticalhj^ as I have 
shown in a previous publication ; I found, by experience, that I could not bring 
my heart to a necessary qualification for success in a common scbooi. i never 
could in my life, collect money from the distressed, by the legal process of law; 
that to distres«! my fellow man, and to compel him beyond his strength was to me 
a most awful consideration. I have been long known as a teacher and noue can say 
that I ever treated them unmercifully ; and that in all instances 1 have given up 
my claims freely, when convinced of an overruling and conflicting providence 
on the part of my subscribers; 1 never could warrant, or sue a man in my life who 
manifested a willingness to pay his debts but was not able to do it. Much have 
1 given and much have I lost by tenderness of soul, nor can any man succeed in a 
certain circle of the common atmosphere at this busine.ss without that hardiness 
of heart which 1 would not possess for all the gold of Ophir. 

But i must qualify the above, lest I should be considered as condemning the 
legal process of law, the only justifiable mode for civil protection. To the law 
and the testimony in all cases 1 humbly submit, and believe it peifeclly just and 
right, in all cases of designed fraud ; and he that has it in his power to pay, and 
•will not do it, is a proper subject for legal disgrace. Fortunately for me, 1 have 
had no such claims among my friends, or at least I have believed it so from causes 
and effects, my subscribers have been honorably actuated, poor but highminded, 
weak but honest, and he must be destitute of common sense who cannot distin- 
guish the honorable willing soul from the able designing character. 

CHAPTER II. 
With these feelings, I deemed it necessary, to seek other employment, and hav- 
ing long known Col. Bumford by reputation and some little acquaintance, I made 
my situation known to him. There was no hesitation; he immediately took me 



'4 






by the hand, made my case known to Gen. Macon^.b, and this honorable geiitle- 
maii assigned to me the situation of recording clerk under him : a situation that I 
can flu in the best mauiier, and to the satisfaction of any honorable and reasonable 
man. 

My hand writing was examined by two letters, taken to the General by Col. 
Bumford and in a stipulated period i was to enter upon mv duties. 

ft is needless for nie to attempt to express my feelings of gratitude for the kind- 
ness exhibited by Col Bumford on this occasion, nor is it required by him, like 
myself, non ignartis mali miseris succurrevp. disco ; he wants no sentiment to 
express the feelings natural to a benevolent mind, best felt by himself; he is a maa 
of known feelings of charity, and of good common sense. 

General Macomb, was about to be absent for a 'levf days which made it neces- 
sary to wait his return. The situation I was to fill, was not yet vacated, and here 
a most singular act of treachery transpired, which filled my place by Mr. Potts, 
who had been a clerk for Gen. DufF Green before his return ; to the great astonish- 
ment of Ge::. Macomb. A full account of the ?anie has been published in my 
history of experience ia 1832. On his return, I for the first time appeared before 
him, stating my name. I had not seen him in person, the whole transaction had 
been between him and Col. Bumford ; how Mr. Potts obtained the situatiori, I refer 
the reader to that volume for full account. 

The General looked at me with astonishment, and said, why Mr. Tippett, I s.^w 
a man in your situation, and 1 supposed it to be you ; he got up, and went iato 
tke room immediately ; come back, and walked the floor some little apparently ia 
some anger. At length he stated the case as before published. It was not then ia 
his power to do any thing for me, unless I would be enlisted in the array of the 
U. S., if so, he would make an opderly sergeant of me and a messenger until such. 
times as he could get better employment, but acknowledged that it was rather 
stooping for a man of my respectability, and known abilities as a teacher. Afte: 
some consideration, I stated that I had a son, about sixteen years of age, who was 
well able to do the duties and requested the General to enlist him, for whose servi- 
ces I might draw a portion of his wages to help me ia this time of my singular and 
overruling distress. Gen. 2*iacomb at once complied and thought it much the 
best, promising at the sams time, to get me a situation like unto the one I had so 
unjustly lost. 

My son was stationed under him, and was very much liked by the General, nor did 
I ever know any thing against him ; the General stated to m.e, that he was attentive 
and willing, he was however ultimately transferred to do the duties of messenger 
under Major Hoak,and was quickly discharged for not performing an act whicb. 
■would have been disgraeeful to a soldier. My son stated the nature of the duties to 
me and I positively told him not to discharge them, that he was not enlisted for 
such purposes nor was it any obligatory part of a soldier''s business, nor should 
such conduct be permitted in the department. 

Directly on his refusal to compl]'' he was discharged by Major Hoak, from the 
army and sent home to me not having served out half his time. The reader 
and the hoaorable committee of the senate, must now begin to see, that I have a 
just claim upon the gofvernment, for the act of violation, in addition to my own, 
not to be disputed by the law. His discharge was in the name of Major Hoak, 
and not signed by Gen. Macomb, the Secretary of War, or the President of the 
U. S. as the law requires. This discharge may now be seen to have been honor- 
able ; and that he was not tried by a court martial for any offence, or convicted ia 
any shape, or form of law for neglect of duty, or disobedience, but discharged by 
an informal arbitrary power which has been often exercised.by the officers, but con- 
trary to the law and special acts of the congress of the United States. 

These are some of the violations of the law with which the people ar« unacquaint- 
ed wid which have heeamsuiy aad ridiculous under thia goTernmcat. Tlie half 



can never be told of the abominable arbitrary, and oppressive transactions, by 
nien in hii'^h places, and of very fine cloth against the weak and the helpless, par- 
ticularly those who are unacquainted with the provisions of the law, in support 
of equal rights, and equal privileges, of which 1 shall speak at large, in my next 
account following; and to close this part of the subject, it must be seen by the 
honorable members of the Committee on Claims, in the senate of the U. S. that 
I am by their own acts, entitled to pay, or that my son has a just claim upon the 
CToveinment of the U. S. for his pay to the end of his term of enlistment which 
was for live years, and that it cannot be righteously disputed or withheld. 

CHAPTER 111. 

In 1832 I jiublished a work containing a full account of the above, together 
willi many strange circumstances attending ray past life. I was traveling through 
the city to make sale of this work, and accidentally met my worthy and honorable 
friend, Col. Bumford, once more on his way from the war department to his home 
about three oclock. I offered him a volume of my work which he took, asking me 
at the same time what business 1 was doing. This having been stated, he again 
offered to get me employment, and told me to call at his office the next morning. 
This 1 did; and found him ready to make intercession for me; he quickly went to 
Col. R.. Jones, and returned, requesting me to seethe General immediately. I 
went into his department and for the first time spoke to him, he then and there 
stated to me that he wanted another assistant recorder; but that he would notask 
the secretary for such a clerk. The manner in which he expressed himself was like 
party feelings, or objections to the administration, that be would not stoop to ask 
a favour of those he did not like. It was no business of mine; but this appeared 
to be the only reason he would not ask Secretary Cass to open the situation. Poli- 
tics, at this time was high above measure, but I was no politician, and had never 
taken any active part in it. 

At this very moment, I thought of a friend, who I knew would ask for the 
situation, provided he would be willing to give it to me ; and I said to him. General, 
if I can get the place made or opened ( i"or as yet there was no such place ) will 
yeu let me have the appointment.-' and he replied that he would. I immediately 
left the office, went to Amos Kendall, got his letter of recommendation to the 
honorable Secretary Cass; went back to the office, and showed this to Coi. Bum- 
ford, who upon seeing it, asked me some questions relative to my acquaintance 
■with Kendall. He said, there is now no dilliculty about the matter, show that to 
Secretary Cass, and the appointinent will be made. 

With his advice, and what to say, I went up to the secretary, having never seen 
him before, laid before his lionour my recommendations which were many, besides 
Mr. Kendall. I stated to him the wants of General Jones ; and that he had said 
he would give me the situation, if he, the Secretary would jnake the appointment. 
Secretary Cass immediately called the chief clerk, who was sent to General Jones, 
and it resulted in the opening of this appointment. There was nothing said about 
temporary employment, and to convince the public of the fact, the situation is yet 
filled by Lowery, as will be shown hereafter. 

Now, let the reader follow out the scene of singular events, which can be 
proved. 1 was located in the upper story of the department, very contiguous 
to JNlr. Law, a clerk in the department at this time, and for the first week or tea 
days, found it very difficult to make out the letters which I had to record ; with- 
out exception, those written by General R. Jones were, to me, the most insignifi- 
cantly written of any that had ever coma before the human eye, and such were 
the badly written originals generally, that it took all my time to find out a new- 
alphabet for each hand writing ; these letters may now be seen in the office to 
prove the facts. J had always been in the habit of writing a neat plain and 
handsome hand ; and, of course, not having been used to bad writing, it was at 
first very troublesome and difficult for me to read such stuff, 



1 worked on with constant and unremitted attention, but was sometimes 
extremely mortified, with being compelled to call upon Mr. Law to aid me in de- 
ciphering the most accursed scribbles and scratches;, that was ever put together 
for the English language. Once in a while, 1 would raise up my head, and be 
certain to find some secret laughing at my profound thought, of forming anew 
alphabet for each insignificantly written letter. jSotwitlistanding the great difficul- 
ty with which 1 had to contend, I learned very fast, and in a few weeks, I had a let- 
ter for every scratch, mark, scribble, pothook, or hanger-, which naturally be- 
longed to each original as an alphabet, wonderfully new and deeply interesting. 
During this period 1 could see that the cleiks under the General were in hopes 
that I'wouldhave to give it up; but they were most confoundedly disappointed, 
J had improved most rapidly in my writing, and began to lift up my head and 
rejoice at the effects of my new alphabet of hieroglyphics. At this period all my 
study was how to please Gen. Jones, whom I considered as my great benefactor 
and friend. 

Letters were now sent up for me to copy and in order to please the man I 
deli<^hted to honor, I v;ould nail myselt to the desk, and with the observation and 
correctness of true mechanical art ; drive it home to a mathematical point. It was 
always admitted that 1 wrote a beautiful hand when teaching, but 1 had absolutely 
improved, and felt confident that Gen. Jones wolud promote me rather than at- 
tempt to disgrace me. It is not in his or the power of Maj. Thomas, that de- 
ceitful mons'ter, to make the public believe, that I am unqualified for the duties 
of recording clerk, or for duties much higher than they can perform, and this I 
will prove, before I shall have concluded this narrative of shameful facts, for pub- 
lic opinion. 

One morning about this time of my great success, Gen. Jones' orderly messen- 
ger, (Baker) come into my room with a newspaper in his hand; Tippett said he 
have ycu heard the news .? What news said 1 ? General Jackson was beheaded 
last night ; oh nonsense said I ! Upon this, he laid on my desk, the newspaper, 
and directed my attention to that shameful event of the image head, of eur old 
and worthy veteran and President of the United States having been sawed ofi^from 
the Constitution. 

I read this account, with deep regret, and repudiated the deed, as unbecoming 
and very undeserved in language truly sensible, modest and reasonable. The 
reply by this Baker, was very audacious ; he said G. d — in his old soul, he 
wished it had been his own G. d — m neck. I immediately resented it, by telling 
him that if he made use of that language again, to me, I would report him to the 
heads of the department. He went out laughing, and I saw him no more until 
the next day. 

The next morning, I found on my desk a letter directed to me. It was my 
immediate discharge, signed Px,. Joue:^, and this was the Adjutant General of the 
U. S. army. I went down to his honor, and very politely, and indeed with 
some humility; asked the cause, but was indignantly answered; that he did not 
want me any longer. Indeed his look was that of an angry man, and in my sit- 
uation, I was afraid to say more. The reader must see that although his kindness, 
at first, was good, yet he as an officer, ranking high, violated moral justice^ and 
•was not to be respected by me, so n^uch opposed to any violence of party feel- 
ings. 

I went out noticing at the same time, that this circumstance had given great 
satisfaction to the clerks in the adjoining room, and who had been on various oc- 
casons very insulting, and had discovered a great wish to create confusion in my 
mind relative to my writing so slowly ; which nevertheless was much better than 
theirs and much admired, and wdiich will be called up in its proper place. I 
was much astonished and confounded, for some time :, but thought of the circum- 
stance of the previous day. At length, I concluded I would go with this letter 
to Sect. Cass, and relate the transaction. 



The hoiioj^able Senator Cass will now recollect, that on showing him my dis- 
charge, he enquired of me the cause: f stated to him that I could give no rea- 
son for this hasty event, unless it was the circumstance of the image head, 
•which I related to him in full. His honor will certainly now recollect, that he 
immediately replied, oh ! that accounted for the whole transaction, and directly 
called for Mr. Kurtz the chief clerk, to vvhom he gave the lettter of discharge, 
and instructed him to call upon the General for his reasons for so doing. 

I was not made acquainted with his answer to the Sect., but was told by his 
bouor, to go to my business, that I was not discharged, and 1 shall say too, that 
his honor appeared to be quite displeased. 

CHAPTER IV. 

I must here comment a little upon this decision of the Hon. Secretary Cass, 
before I proceed. This is what I denominate as moral courage and independence, 
without which uo man is tit to till an office in whicl; he must be called upon to 
judge, rule, and decide disputes between all parties and grades of men in society, 
without partiality. It is the foundation of good common sense, and springs from. 
a natural principle of justice and charity, and is the very essence of true philan- 
thropj'^ — it is an innate principle of nature — a natural gift of God. Governor Cass 
appeared to possess a full share of this qualification, for his elevated situation, ia 
this extraordinary case of arbitrary power; but in a future case it will have been 
shown, he seems to have lost a considerable portion of this all-important qualifi- 
cation, which alone will save our country' from that ultimate end into which all 
republican forms of goveraments have fallen. Let the people look for a monarchy, 
if it is not maintained as the greatest qualification for a ruler. 

By this independent and justifiable course of Secretary Cass, I was much better 
situated, although 1 had to undergo some shameful treatment first. 1 went back 
to ray room, and found that all my papers and books had been taken outj and that 
I had nothing to do. After stopping awhile, I concluded I would state the facts 
to the Secretary, who, upon this information, said, well, get yourself some segars, 
and smoke them until the work is sent back. I absolutely obeyed, although no 
smoker. Indeed I .^at cross-legged and quite dignified. I looked upon myself as 
a ruler — all done by the old soldier, to show them some of my good mettle. I 
carried this on for two days, very well ; but the third day the books and papers 
•were laid on the table — and from that moment I had peace and quietness, until the 
■well recollected excursion of the President and the Secretary, in 1834, in many 
parts of the United States. I now had something to do besides smoking segars 
and .sitting cross-legged, like a gentleman. This altered the case. I now begaa 
to feel a little more safe and independent, and as I had been accustomed to do ia 
in common conversation, spoke frequently of mathematical correctness — that suck 
and such thicgs were not according to gunter ; and that some letters 1 had to 
record, had^iot been grammatically constructed. I discovered that this was offensive 
to some of Gen. Jones' clerks, and they began to question my abilities as a ma- 
thematician and gramm.arian, capable of judging. I continued to write in this 
room until very cold weather. All had fire and a warm room but myself. I re- 
piptedly asked for a change, but it was denied me. At last I declared that if there 
waa not a change made, 1 would appeal to the Secretary, and immediately there 
wa« provision made for me, in a room with Lieutenant Prentice. 

Oa one occasion, when distressingly cold, I made application to Prentice to le£ 
me come into his room, it being large enough for three to write in, and was most 
indignantly refused -, but when removed by order of the General, it was in this 
room with this Lieutenant. All went on very well, and 1 did all I could to get the 
g«od will of this gentleman, but without the smallest success. He appeared to 
tdce a di.'jiike to me, and I had but little tq say to him- Lieutenant Thomas 
wewiifested great friendship for me, and I nefer saw any thing by feim, while ia 



the onice, but that of a profound gentleman; nor did lever hear of any objections 
to me by him, until the setting up of this claim, now before the Senate of the 
United States, which was not done for some time after my discharge, and would 
not have been known to exist, by me, had it not been for an officer in the army, 
now in the United States service. 

I continued in this room with Lieut. Prentice, until the departure of the Pres- 
ident and the Secretary for their summer visit as above stated frequently undergo- 
ing some singular events one or two of which must be related. 

One morning Mr. Hebborn, one of the General Clerks, came in, and with some 
assumed authority, said, Mr. Tippett, I have the courses and distances of two 
tracts of land, from which is to be taken another tract, forming three tracts, accor- 
ding to the courses here stated ; I want you to give me the plot of each farm and 
their contents : the one to be formed out of the other two is mine. I replied [ 
will do it for you, if Gen. Jones says so. Oh, never mind, never mind that, h?. 
"will have no objections, said he. I looked at Lieut. Prentice, and said shall I do 
it sir. Oh yes, yes, to be sure you m.ust do it. Well then, said I, Mr. Hebborn, 
you must fetch me a scale, and dividers ; which he did in a few minutes. 

I immediately proceeded and found after some trial that the scale was incorrect, 
that it was not according to guater, as I was in the habit of saying. But while 
trying this scale I found out the secret by catching a laugh from Lieut. Prentice. 
I immediately called upon Hebborn, for another scale, l told him that it was in- 
correct, he insisted that it was not, I declared it was, that I could make as correct 
a scale as any m.an. Mr. Prentice told him to get another, he did, I tried it, and 
proved it correct. The incorrect scale was m.ade of ivory and very handsome, he 
■wanted it again but I would not let him have it. I had discovered the scent, that 
this was done to try my qualitications as a mathematician by Lieut. Prentice and 
the clerks, of which I had boasted, and if he could have gotten it again, he would 
•have declared me iiicompetent to judge, and perhaps went off and made sport for 
the ignorant. I had secured it in my desk and then took it home as an evidence of 
their insigniiicant conduct, and kept it from that time to this. 

To try the correctness of a scale, is very simple, and to know that it is incorrect 
is more'simple. It is only to find in 90 degrees, laid down in a chord of 60, that 
it is not a perfect right angle to the base. I proceeded with the correct scale to 
plot, according to the courses given, and handed the three plots to Hebborn, cor- 
xectly dons and calculated. I have no comment to make upon this course of du- 
ties or conduct in a public department, I will leave public men to say and think, 
but must say, that that ignorant fellow, Hebborn, has aimed to injure me ia 
Georgetown as a teacher and can be proved, all of which I know has been done, 
to screen Gen. Jones from any censure for my discharge. 

The time had now come for the departure of the ^Secretary with the President, 
and God only knows what I feared in the event, as I had understood that they were 
to be absent about three months; I should not have been afraid of any man bad the 
Secretary remained at home. Soon after they had left the city, Lieut. Prentice was 
moved out of this room and stationed in the room with the General and Lieut. 
Thom.as. Now what could thishave ben for ; he was not wanting near the adjutant i 
Why place three in one room and ond in another ? There is a God that will sooa 
judge this matter, whether wrong or right ; I believe that he was removed for the 
very express purpose that I might be insulted without an evidence, to that pitch of 
lesentment and violation of the law, that I might be court martialled, condemned, 
and dismissed by the law ; let the reader examine and judge by the following. 

Now, I am coming to the true merits of the case, and I particularly request 
the reader, and the committee of Congress to notice the mode of treatment in. 
coonectioa with my views, as to the authority for such conduct 

Baker, a messenger, came in and took out a wash bowl pitcher and towel- I 
asked vhat he \f as doing that for ? He replied in a f ery insuUiog manner tb*t 



10 

General Jones had ordered it, tliat he did not allow me a bowl and pitcher ; they 
were only allowed to gentlemen. Very Avell said I, thinking at the same time that 
Gen. R. Jones had nothing to do with this conduct. I thought him quite igno- 
rant of all this matter and that it was only necessary to inform him, but very soon 
found to the contrary. 

A day or two passed, and I vvTote a polite note to the General stating the case, 
and asking for these articles of constant use. In a tew minutes Baker brought in 
an old broken bowl, and pitcher which would hold no water, and again insulted 
me. No attention was now paid to my room as formerly, 1 swept up my own 
room and brought my water. 

But this pitcher had no handle, and as I was fetcliing water in it, the piece broke 
out, and it fell which made an end of it. I wrote another note to tiie General for 
a pitcher. ]n a few minutes down come a me.ssenger by the name of Platto, a 
Sweed, German, Frenchman or some foreigner, and poked a black pitcher into 
my face saying, here, lake your p. pot and drink out of it, and immediately dis- 
appeared ; this w as to me a surprising state of things. I related the.'e circun).stan- 
ces one by one, to my friends in the office, who are now present and their advice 
■was, not to resent them or say any thing about them, until the Secretary came 
home, that it was done to get me to violate the law, that I might be tried con- 
demned and dismissed. This advice I took and it continned as follows: 

A Masonic burying took place, and all belonging to that very ancient and be- 
nevolent order, which is to this day without reproach, went to it, but myself. 
To insult me, I suppose, this Baker come in, and said " a'mt you going to this 
^lasonic burying, all the rest of the d — m — d bcoundrels are gone." I made no 
reply. 

I would here commence m}' comment, but must state one more act of violent 
outrage for public sentiment. I had seen some shameful conduct at night, about 
the otnces and the President's house, by lewd females which had continued for a 
considerable time, to the great annoyance of gentlemen and ladies, i wrote an 
account of this conduct, being an old citizen of this place, and directed it to the 
Judges of cur city court, which caused an immediate correction of these evils. 
Jt v/as found out that I had been the author of this communication, and Baker the 
messenger, very familiar with Jones' clerks, came into my room to insult me, 
he began so as to get at the facts, and as soon as 1 acknowledged I was the author, 
he said, well if I wanted a wh — c tc sleep with, I would go to the Meihodisl 
meeting house, wait until after sermon and lock arms with the first woman that 
came out; this was the conduct to a man of known moral worth, who has been 
for years a christian and a teacher of divine things, as well as having educated 
four thousand pupils in this city. 

I am now done and will commence my comment of philosophical reason- 
in"-. 1 was discharged after all this suffering, on the 31st day of August, 1834,. 
without any complaint to me whatever. 1 was notified by the General early in 
the mouth that 1 sliould be discharged at the end of the month. \ went up to him 
in the presence of Lieutenant Thonias, and asked the General what was the 
matter? And what he was about to discharge me for.-' He then and there sta- 
ted, in the presence of Thomas, that he iiad nothing against me, ih-it he was com- 
pelled to do it to make room for a Captain in the army, who had been disabled. 
1 beo-o-ed to be retained in the army until the Secretary of War should come home, 
but he would not comply with this my humble request. 

All this time I noticed the face oi Lieut. Thom.as, and .saw in it, the countenance 
of strong disapprobation, and as I shall testify to all 1 haxe said, in this work, 
1 believe that if he was put upon his oath, he would say, if lie fears God, that 
he has fabricated an at tide in that report, to screen the guilty from censure. 1 
asked the General for a recommendation, and he said, certainly, in a very plea-sanl 
good humor, and told Mr. Thomas to write it. This gentleman wrote a most 



11 

excellent one, such as he believed I deserved. Of this 1 am confident, and if he was 
upon oath, he would say so ; it qualified me in every sense of the word as a good 
clerk, and this I saw myself. 

This was handed to the General, and that part in it, which qualified me rather 
strongly ar. a good clerk, was stricken out by the General and moulded into a 
deceptive shape, as it is to be seen on the very face of it. Jt vvas handed to 
Lieut. Thomas lo copy, and left upon his table, I saw it after oliice hours, thus 
inodified by R. Jones, admilling attention to duties, good character, &,c. 

The month rolled around, and, to my astonishment, instead of a disabled Cap- 
tain in the army, a certain ]Mr. Lowery, formerly a Grocery merchant on Seventh 
street, and with whom the General had dealt, as I was afterwards informed, had 
been enlisted and fixed in my situation, absolutely opened or made for me by 
Secretary Cass. It might have cost Lowery a few dollars to get my place, as some 
think, but I know not. The qualifications of ibis man, never could have been as 
good as mine, at that lime, all will admit; and if they are now as good, after liie 
long experience, it must be very doubtful ; for some men have not the genius or 
mind to improve, as is well known to have been my natural gift. 

Jt must therefore have been expected that this would be very offensive to me, 
to find out that Lowery, with no children or family of any account, had gotten 
my situation, which J had gotten made or opened by the Secretary for me. it 
would have been very inconsistent for a (Japtain, even of the description stated, 
to have been placed in it, but how a gep.tleman of General Jones' cloth could have 
stooped to this transaction, I cannot account. No soldier certainly can be v/illing 
to come under his command, after the disclosure of these facts. I ask the honor- 
able Committee of the Senate, and the world, to say, was it not enough to create 
within my breast a principle of perfect contempt for the man, without any regard 
to his former kindness, of which he speaks in his report, and a determined resolu- 
tion to have his conduct investigated by proper authority. 

When Secretary Cass camiC home. I submitted all these facts to him, and I say 
without fear of being contradicted by him, who, thank God, is a Senator of the Uni- 
ted States, that he did manifest great displeasure on the occasion. He sent Mr. Kurtz 
again to the General — what was communicated, I know not — but 1 was by him 
told to lay the subject before the President immediately, with some firmness and 
apparent anger. But this was not according to gunter — it was not as I wou'd 
have done. J would have sent for books and papers, and have examined the case 
according to the law and the testimony and with a reference to constitutional right. 

CHAPTER V. 

I must now make a short comment upon this course of rectifying evils under 
the general government of the U. S. and prove for the satisfaction of the people, 
that this mode of settling matters was inconsistent, and very injurious, not only 
for me but for the public interests generally, and that it vvas for the want of moral 
firmness and independence in the Secretary of War. It was inconsistent because he 
was the Secretary of War and had the power to put me back immediately and 
should have done so, to show his decided disapprobation to such conduct. It 
was wrong because he was acquainted with the law, and knew it had been arbitra- 
rily violated, and without any just cause whatever. The Secretary hiid decided 
a former case with becoming firmness and independence, in which he had seen 
an assumption of arbitraiy power over the wealr, which the law does not recog- 
nize. It was for this very purpose the eleventh article of war vvas instituted by the 
Congress of the United States ; and not as General Jones says m his report, that 
it was done according to the provisions of the eleventh article of war. The 
eleventh article of war was instituted for the purpose of guarding the rights of 
the soldier in his contract with the government. J cannot think that the Sena- 
tors of the United States are ignorant of this fact, but if sO; 1 must call their at- 
tention to it. 



12 

M)^ discharge was diamelrical'y contrary to the law, as we shall sliow, and as 
may be seen in this article and so decided by the United States Attorney General. 
The law was instituted for the express purpose of defendiug the rights of the 
soldier, and for the very purpose of preventing aristocratic arbitrary power and 
oppres?ion over the soldier. Let the reader pay attention to the law itself, and 
let the honorable comnr^ittee apply it to their consciences, in connection with this 
most shameful and ridiculous report of R. Jones, read too, in the Senate ia 
X'hich 1 have been represented " as a destitute and forlorn old man," by the 
Senators of the United States to my injury, and in which he, R. Jones 
lepresents me, also, as coming to him, "•with a sorrowful countenance, and ia 
tones of undissembied distress." All this is against him, for if I was that old wor- 
thy gentleman he insinuates in his report ; it was to prove to the world that he 
was a man of no charitable feelings, to discharge a man of such character, with a 
family of six children, to make room for one of no family even if he had been a 
Captain in the army of the United States, as he said he was to be. But if I had 
been found unqualified as he states, why did he not represent me as such to the 
Secretary of War.' And if he did, why did not the Secretary examine tor himself? 
My work and books were immediately at his command. The fact is, that no 
such complaint was ever made or could have been made. My work had all beea 
done in the very best manner ; my books clean and f<ept in good order ; but Gen- 
eral Jackson's opinion will settle the matter, to whose investigation I am cominaf. 
But fhe Senators of the United States are greatly mistaken ; I was young and 
very strong at the time, not much older than R. Jonet, and that day I could ren- 
der the duties of a soldier better than he. 

But let us keep to the point; why send me wiih this case of abominable arbi- 
ivsLry power and violation of the law, to the President of the United States ? 
Was not the Honorable Secretary Cass his appointed organ, with full power to 
see the laws of the United States properly carried into effect r I know what was 
the iT.ottve of the Hon. Secretary Cass, but it was wrong. He looked upon this as 
a violation of justice, which deserved a signal correction ; and therefore sent me 
to the man of power, and of known moral firmness, courage and independence. 
Now this was very wrong, because if he had at once said to General Jones, it 
shall not be done sir, f will see the laws of my country obeyed without favor 
or affection, and had placed me back as I did anticipate, it would have saved 
Creaeral Jones some trouble, and have taught to him and many others a good 
iesson., 

Such an act as this by the Secretary of War, would have shown to him and 
jnany thousands, to his honor, that the poor man had rights and privileges to be 
sustained by the executive power of this nation as well as the rich, and that gen- 
tlemen of velvet coats and silk stockings, must not expect to violate the law with 
impunity ; that no system of oppression, can be admitted under a republican form 
of government, against the rich or poor, and that the rigJjts of the people must 
he preserved by solemn oath. 

1 deeply regret that the Honorable Secretary Cass did not maintain his moral 
fomness and independence in this, as in the former case, as it has led to the 
siccessity of this publication, in vindication of my good qualifications, as well as my 
well known character. The Lord God can bring good out of evil, and I hope it will 
Slave been done in this case ; I regret it, because this course of moral firtnness and 
jindependence, would have set a good example, and have saved the government 
©f the United States many dollars, they must be morally bound to pay, in every 
■violation of the law. There is a wonderful diSerence between moral firmness, 
and unholy firmness, or poltical firmness. 

By this time, the reader and the honorable committee of the Senate, will per- 
ceive, that [ was born with good laaLural abilities, better calculated to rule, thaa 
to be oppi-esfied, with more knowledges of tjiie laws of my couutry than they sap- 



:13 

losed. The law sprang from sound reason, and reason is an innate principle or 
ift of God ; it is not nailed to the bench or counter, as some suppose, nor is it; 
onfind to a certain class of men; it is a false notion of things: reason and good 
ibservation is to be found very often without eagle battons, and 1 thank God 
hat I have this opportunity, to show that I am by nature a lawyer, and that i 
onsider this a golden opportunity, to inform the judgments of the people of tliB 
Jnited States upon the subject of their legal rights which have been trampled up- 
•n by the silk stocking gentry, to the disgrace of the American Constitution. 

CHAPTER VI. 

But I must bring the reader to General Jackson's mode of deciding the case- 
t was submitted to his honor as instructed by the Secretary of War. He irnme- 
liately institiated an inquiry, by calling upon General iVJacomb for the facts in the 
ase. He did not call upon R. Jones, to make report ; this would have been out of 
>rder. What! Cali upon tiie man to report against himself ! Is there any reasoa 
n calling upon the man, who violates the law to give judgment against himself? 
t is an absurdity, in the face of the law and common sense. General Macomb 
vas unacquainted with my discharge as will be shown, and had nothing to do 
vith it, lie never ordered it or saw my discharge, until ] showed it to him my- 
;elf. This can be proved now, by his own hand writing. 

For example, if he had ordefed it, why send to R. Jones as he did, to state 
he cause of niy discharge, to be prepared lor an answer to General Jackson's in- 
juiry .He was the General-in-Chief, and was acquainted with the law, and knew 
hat my discharge could not take place properly, v/ithout his order, the Secretary's 
)r the President's, which cannot be found in the ofrice,and which order aecord- 
ng to the law, must accompany all legal discharges ; Is the committee acquaiBt- 
?d with these facts ? Let the committee call for these orders, which must be 
30 record in the General order book, according to acts of Congress. 

General Macomb sent to General Jones for the facts in the case, and received 
n reply, the following answer, now to be seen in his report to the Senate of 
.he United States : 

Adjutant General's Office, 

Washingtov^ June l^, 1835. 
Major General Macomb, 

Sir : In conformity with your instructions, 1 have examined the subject of the 
complaint of E. D. Tippett, respecting the legality of his discharge from the ser- 
vice, and have merely to remark, that it was made by and with your authority, 
according to the eleventh article of War, and which according to the usage of the 
service m innumerable like cases was signed by the Adjutant General of the 
Army. 

On examining Tippett's discharge, I perceive the blank left for your name was 
omitted to be filled, which however, does not impair the legality of the dis- 
charge, as it is known to the army,* that the signature of the^djutant General 
in such and many other cases, is expressive of the act of the Commanding ben- 
eral or Secretary of Wai, as the case may be. 

Respectfully, yours, 

R. JONES, 
Adjutant General. 

This was the reply of R. Jones to General Macomb, as his statement to be sent 
to President Jackson, who had never ordered my discharge, and was not acquaint- 
ed with the cause. The law says, it must be by order of the President, the Sec- 
retary of War, the General in chief, or by a court martial. Now there can bene 

• Mark the term — as it is known to the army, not the government, on law, but the army — Um& 
aristocratic power. 



14 

order found in the OfRce to that effect. The order in all instances, must state 
the cause of discharge, and be entered upon the General Order Book. If by a 
court martial, the whole proceedings of the court, are entered upon the General 
Order Book. Now does it not appear strange, that if General Macotnb ordered 
my discharge; that he should call upon R. Jones to state the causer And is it 
not more strange, that the order was not immediately produced, which must in 
all instances, state the cause of discharge. Now the people and the Congress of 
the United States, must not be deceived; it was not the truth, as we will now 
show by Macomb's own hand writing. In order to cover R. Jone.s, from the 
censure of President Jackson, General Macomb wrote upon this reply, the fol- 
lowing note, which if well noticed, will prove Lieutenant Thomas's report, false 
and ridiculous. 

Edward D. Tippett above referred to, enlisted at the instance of his friends, 
with a view of employing him temporarily as a clerk, he having produced evi- 
dence of his capacity to write neatly, as an act of charity,* the Secretary of 
War, Governor Cass, authorised his temporary employment, but it was found in 
the process of time, that Tippett's mind being engrossed with a variety of pro- 
jects, that he was unfit for the place in which he was; but still out of kindness 
he was continued through the winter, and even longer, and was discharged be- 
cause he did not answer the purpose for which he was enlisted in the Adjutant 
General's Office. 

Signed A. MACOMB, 

General in Chief. 
Now the reader will yee by this article, that I had produced evidence of my 
neat hand writing, and was not discharged on that account. But all this escapes 
the subject, my claim is for my term of enlistment, as a regular soldier in the 
Army of the United Slates. If m}'' mind was disordered by a variety of projects^, 
so that I could not attend to duty, and had not attended to duly. Where is the 
Court martial, that tried me.-" Or the medical gentlemen that exammed my mind .'' 
Where is the order for this express purpose, as the law directs .' As to my wri- 
ting, there is no difficulty, iny work will show, as every letter up to the very date 
of my discharge, had been neatly and correctly recorded. That falsehood of 
Major Thomas's, dated June 24, 1840, six years after the above note of General 
Macomb's, must fall to the ground, as he was at that time in the office, and not 
called upon to state any opinion of my work. 

Had he made such a report at that time, it would have been proved by the 
work, that it was a fabricated falsehood. My qualifications were too well known, 
but I must pass on. 

Now the honorable committee of the Senate, and the people of the United 
States may see, at once, that it is a direct falsehood, for it was in direct oppo- 
sition to the law, to which he alludes, i. e. the eleventh article of War. The law- 
positively says, that " when a soldier or a non commissioned of!icer shall have beeu 
enlisted in the army of the United Slates.^ he shall not be discharged until the term 
of his services shall have expired, except it be by order of the President of the 
United States, the Secretary of War, or the General in Chief, or by a Court martial." 
No man can be discharged against his will, except it be, for some offence, or for 
disqualification of duties by insanity, or otherwise, and in all cases, he must be 
legally examiiied and tried by a Court martial, see Attorney GeneraPs opinion. 

The opinion of the United Slate's Attorney General is, that an enlistment, is a 
contract between the Government and the soldier, which cannot be abrogated, 
but by mutual consent. But General Macomb, was absolutely caught in a hob- 
ble, the reply was a fabricated thing, he did not know what to do with it. He 
knew that I had called upon him for the cause of my discharge, and that he had 
expressed his astonishment at it; that he had declared to me, that it was not by 

03° Mark the word charity of Secretary Cas8, who never discharged me, or authorised it 



15 

his order, and had recommended me to be silent, until the Secretary come home, 
and submit the case to iiim, giving me to understand, that it would be put to 
rights. I believe I can prove this interview with the General now. 

He retained this reply of R. Jones for several days to my knowledge; at last it 
was sent to President Jackson, with a statement which denominated me to be in- 
sane; that this was the cause of my discharge, that my mind had become disorder- 
ed with machinery and other matters, &c. The President sent tor me, I sat down 
with him for some time, he asked me many questions, conversed upon some very 
important political points — of my family, where born and raised, how long I had 
been in the city, &c., and at last got upon machinery, he was unaccountably free 
to talk. After some time lie said, Mr. Tippitt I perceive you have enemies in 
that office, and I would not advise you to go back to it; wait awhile and I will 
get you business elsewhere. The reader will see that no claim was set up at this 
time, for^s yet it had not been known to exist, by my being an enlisted soldier. 

J replied to him that I was suffering. Well said he, I will give you some work 
out of the General Land Office and wrote an order for it. I asked him for the 
report made to him by Macomb and he handed it to me, with this shameful state- 
ment written upon it in Macomb's own hand writing. He has appeared before 
the Supreme Judge of the world. I can say no more. I read it while in his 
presence, and asked for his opinion. He said he did not believe a word of it, 
(it may now be seen by the Committee of Claims.) He thought it a very sin- 
gular transaction. I obtained from the Land Office, the 8th volume, filled it up, 
and all the patents. No complaint to this date had been set up against me for 
disqealification. I showed him my work before I carried it to the office, and he 
acknowledged its superiority; gave me another order, and strange to me, I 
obtained the 9th volume, so that I filled up the Sth and 9th in the War Depart- 
ment, and the Sth and 9th in the General Land Office; and if unqualified for the 
duties of a Clerk, these volumes will prove it — to which the Committee should 
have made reference, before reporting. 

But suppose the honorable members of the Senate Committee should doubt the 
decision, as stated of General Jackson, will not the Sth and 9th volumes in the 
General Land Office prove it ? And if it is so, does it not go to show that he too, 
had not moral firmness or independence sufficient to resist the courtesy of the 
silk stocking gentry. All will agree that this was not according to gunter ; and 
that if such a man as Jackson could be overruled by the bewitching influence of 
the rich and the gay, by the permission and existence of such acts, to the injurious 
influence of arbitrary power and violation of the law, there is no hope for true 
republicanism under our present form of government. The people must take the 
subject in their own hands, and bring every thing to the law and the testimony, 
or there will be a change made, to the overthrow of our democracy. 

Now, all these facts go to prove that the statement of Lieut. Thomas is a fab- 
ricated falsehood, to screen General Jones from censure. I fear him not, and will 
stand by this assertion : He is a deceitful hypocrite. This report of his was not 
made to General Jackson, the President — and yet at that time he was in the office- 
Let the Committee of the Senate look to that extraordinary event. There was no 
other report given against me at that time, but the report or letter to General 
Macomb, dated June ir5, 1835, to be seen now in the report of the Committee of 
the Senate, page 4, to which has not been annexed General Macomb's note of 
the same date, of ray insanity, the stated cause of ray discharge. 

CHAPTER VI [. 
If indeed, such a fabricated falsehood, as the one made by Lieutenant Thomag, 
could have been sustained, why was it not done at the period of General Jack- 
son's investigation P and that of the honorable Secretary Cass ? The answer is 
at hand, because Secretary Cass would have called for ray work, which he would 



16 

have found superior to all in General Jones' bureau. Let the comraiitee of the 
Senate, call for these books, and exanaine them with others, and they will seethe 
falsehood on the very face of them, and let me be present, and 1 will show them 
something like one hundred and ninety-four syntaxical errors, such as, if ] had 
have xoi-iUen^ I have wrote for^ letters are being made out, and a vast number of 
cases, where the first future tense, is used for the second future; this does not 
look like being unqualified; let the committee try me, and periiaps they will find 
the mistake. 

Now the whole fact is, I boasted too much of my qualifications as a grammarian 
mathematician, and of my beautiful writing, which I sometimes said could not 
be beaten, it was according to gunter, &c. All of which was done to retort upon 
those who aimed to injure me, not against the General. 

Just before I was discharged, I found out a secret, which had been carried on 
by Hebborn, Gold and Addison. When the orders and letters were sent to mfc 
to copy, Baker, or some one of these men, would come deceitfully, and say, 
Mr. Tippett, the General wishes you to take time, and make him such a number 
of this order or letter, in your very best hand writing. Supposing it to be so, 
J would plant myself down to the desk, with mathematical correctness. Ail this 
time. Lieutenant Prentice, I now believe understood the Secretar}', and was one 
of the party to injure me. These letters or orders would shine like copper plat-e, 
but when I would carry them up to the General, he would iiy into a passion be- 
cause I had been so long about them. 

1 would innocendy say to the General that I could not do such writing as that 
any faster, he would never say to rae, 1 do not care how it is done, so it is cor- 
rect. I found out the secret, and wrote an order in a quick, and easy handj 
asked him if that writing would answer for these letters, he replied certainly, in 
good humor ; I then told him what the messengers and the clerks had been doing 
and in future heard no complaint. Gen. R. Jones will not deny this statement, 
nor will he deny any of it from first to last when he stands before God in eter- 
nity; but he discharged me very soon after this. I would advise xim and Lieut. 
Thomas to prepare to meet the Judge of all injustice by man. There is one more 
singular event which must be related, but the half cannot be told. I was one day 
nailed to the desk writing some orders in my best hand accci'ciiiig to the message 
i had received. Three gentlemen came in to see Lieut. Prontine, after a while, 
one of them stepped up to my desk, took up an order tLat i had copied ; went 
back and exclaimed in a low voice, well I'll be d — d if ] would not give a thou- 
sand dollars to write such a hand — hush, hush G — d — n it. said a gentleman in a 
low voice. I could not tell the meaning for this until my discharge — it had'been pre- 
meditated and it would not do to acknowledge rae a good writer or recording 
clerk. 

I now advertise for justice. If any one of the officers of ihe army, who was in 
the loom with Gen. Macomb in the year, I think 1834, when I brought in the 
three memorials copied for Gen. Macomb, for Congress, the subject of which 
was, to get an act passed, to retain a portion of their pay as a fund for the sup-- 
port of their widows and orphans Sec ; should see this pamphlet, and will state 
the facts then and there said of me, relative to the v/riting, i will confer a valua- 
ble favor on him, not to be forgotten. E. D. TiPPETT. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

My claim was not set up until the early part of Martin Van Buren's adminis- 
tration, because it was not known to exist by me. It was handed to General 
Xeim, and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs ; it was left as unfinished 
business; and again submitted to Congress by Solomon Kellin of Baltimore, in 
i840, and submitted to the Committee on Claims. 

It was by this committee considered as a claim, already provided for by legis- 
latioBj and acts of Congress in the eleventh article of war, &c. The opin- 



17 

ions of the United Stales-' Attorney's General, were by them examined, and it was 
b}' that Coinniittee, ihrou<;h their clerk, handed lo me to be laid before John Ty- 
ler, and by him t^ent to Secretary Beli, and by that Secretary sent to R. Jones, 
Adjutant General, the very person who comniittod the violation of the law, and 
created the clatm. 

Secretary Bell received R. Jones' veto upon the claim, as might have been ex- 
pected. It was returned to President Tyler, who handed it to me in that shape. 
I demurred, and proved it a wrong course, by stating a case as follows : to prove 
that General Jones was not the iiian to decide my claim. Il had been found out 
by some one in the office, ihat all the clerks ranking as 1 did, were entitled to more 
pay than they had gotten. It was sought for, and obtained. I was in ITew York 
at the time, and was informed of the amount due me by one of the clerks. 

This was in 1S38, about three years after my discharge. I came to Washitifjton 
immediately to draw my part, my account was made out by Mr. Law, and as in 
all other cases it had to be signed by General R. Jones. Mr. Law went with me 
to this very feeling man, so represented by his own account of my destitute situa- 
tion, of " undissembled distress," and laid it before him. What's this .^ said he 
looking at Law, very earnestly. Mr. Law explained it. He denied that I was enti- 
tled to any part, in very harsh language, and would not sign the account. It is 
not worth while to state his indignant looks at me, but we had to go out insulted. 
Mr. Law got mad, told me to follow him, I did, and he vvent to the Secrelury, 
and stated the very facts. The Secretary sent him to Major Cooper to have it 
signed and I got my money. 

1 stated this case to President Tyler as it happened, and he took my papers back 
again, and sent them back to Secretary Bell, with orders to have my claim exam- 
ined and settled, according to law. Now this was a great degree of moral firm- 
ness — more than any of his predecessors. Secretary Bell treated me in a most 
shameful manner, when I went back, as did, also, his chief clerk. Mypapeis 
were retained in the oflice, by some person, nor could I even get them during 
Tyler's administration, although President Tyler particularly called for them 
three or four times. 

As soon as James K. Polk come into power, I anticipated a greater degree of 
moral justice and independence, and made some communication relative to this 
accoant, but withjL:t any success. I wrote to the Honorable W. L. Marey for 
these papers, at Ins instance, they were found, and sent to me, they are those 
now before the Committee of the Senate ot the United States, as also his opinion 
to the honorable Senator Bagby, who had aimed to get the claim confirmed by 
the law. 

Now I ask any sound mind, any gentleman of common sense, if such a man 
as R. Jones should decide my account, or be called upon by the Secretary of 
War for his opinion .' And is it not a want of common sense in Secretary Marey 
not to see it .' This case can be proved b)"- Mr. Law, now in the office and a 
clerk. I ask any man having any christian feelings, any charitable principles or 
any man of sound sense, with a common soul, if the course pursued h}' all the 
Secretaries of War, and the Presidents of the United States, do«s not carry with 
it, a conclusive proof that a poor man cannot have justice done him. Does it 
not prove, without a shadow of doubt, that there has been, and is now, a dispo- 
sition in all this, to cover up the oppressive, and illegal conduct of General R. 
Jones to my injury. Does it not show that some who rank high, and make a 
loud profession, neither fear God, or regard justice or truth. That there is not a 
particle of moral firmnes.'!, integrity, or independence in ourruler.'s. 

I ask the people of the United States lo say, ye vi^lio are poor, and lielpless; 
ye who give your votes for men to carry out the true principles of democracy, what 
confidence is to be placed, in breath of words ^ Does not this whole transaction 
go to prove, that the whole investigation from first to last, has been carried out 



18 

under most shameful systems of aristocracy and favoritism r That the rich must 
be sustained in all their wicked acts, that the poor must be oppressed, and that 
the character of a certain class, however defiled, must be supported at the expense 
of the poor. Well I am now about to commence my next part, anii this will be 
short, but very interesting. 

CHAPTER IX 

Who is James K. Polk r This is a question that has been often asked, and 
now can be answered by all the people of this country, he happens to be the 
President of the United States. He is now a great man by name, and elevation. 
Our's is a most beautiful and extraordinary form of government, it can take a man 
who no body knows, out of a certain atmosphere, and send him upon the wings 
of the wind. It can take a man from the plough handle, or any one of the me- 
chanical arts, and make a great and powerful machine of him. All that is neces- 
sary for a man in this country to rise to a state of distinction, is to get the good 
will of a {aw leading men of a party, and qualify himself upon some particular 
leading question, and all will be well. It matters not whether he possess true 
moral firmness, integrity or independence for the equal rights of man, this is not 
looked into, but he must manifest a great degree of firmness, for a particular po- 
litical question, and he may be sure to find friends who will mount the fence, 
and crow, until his name shall have sounded throughout the continent. 

The true principles of moral firmness, integrity, and independence, for the 
equal rights of man, are the only true qualifications necessary in addition to that 
necessary qualification of literary abilities, which may be limited, for a President 
of the United States. If James K. Polk possesses these divine and natural gifts, 
and graces, of God, he is the people's choice, but if not, he is a most shameful 
deceiver, because he was represented to the democracy of this countr}', as being 
a man of God, a christian, and a true republican, firmly fixed upon the true prin- 
ciples of equal rights, and equal privileges, in all matters, and it absolutely was 
expected to find in him, the righteousness and wisdom of a Solomon to rule, 
judge and decide all questions of dispute between rich or poor, without partiality 
or favoritism, and that there would be for once in sixty years, a President of 
sound moral courage, sufficient to resist the ruling courtecy of wealth and opu- 
lence against the common people. 

Many prayers were put up to Almighty Ood for his success, I for one most de- 
voutly supplicated a throne of grace in his behalf. No greater friend to the de- 
mocracy, and the principles professed to be maintained than I, but I do not know 
the man ; yet I cannot find him out; my experience goes to show, that he is not 
the man, that it is not James K. Polk, that he is not the man of God, as repre- 
sented to be, that like Jacob we have served eight years for our bosom friend, 
but we shall yet have to serve four more, perhaps eight, before we can obtain 
our beloved llachael. I give my reasons for this opinion, at the same time char- 
itably hope, it may not be so, and earnestly pray that I may be deceived. 

The public will recollect that 1 had been five years back struggling to accom- 
plish safety in steam power, that I had submitted to Congress in 1836 and 1838 
a cold water steam engine, and that an appropriation had been made for me, bat 
withheld, by the board of commissioners in New York (see Renwick's report 
1839,) that notwithstanding the opposition with which I had to contend, 1 contin- 
ued to experiment in Baltimore city, and eventually accomplished the wishes of the 
select committee ot the Senate of the U. S, by reducing my engine to crank motion 
but not perfect. With this imperfect operative model 1 came to this city 1S41, 
to obtain some little strength by Congress. 

My operative model engine was examined by Judge Underwood, chairman of 
the steam committee, in connection with Rennock's report; my theory of pteam 
pronounced valid ; and his report false. A very large appropriation was made by 



19 

Congress for general experiment, and I obtained a small portion, through John 
Tyler's intercession with Secretary Upshnr, with which I succeeded in bringing 
my steam engine to the highest state of perfection ; President Tyler examined my 
model engine with great attention and through him I absolutely reduced to practi- 
cability, another invention of the greatest magnitude ; but 1 wanted money to put 
both into successful operation for the honor of my countrv. 

James K. Polk's administration had now commenced, with an nppropriation of 
v$5000 for experiments, and I submitted a design of my inventions to him in per- 
son, with a view of getting some help; at first I found him kind, friendly, and 
more accessible, than any one of his predecessors. He looked over the theory 
lightly, acknowledged his incompetency for such business, that he was no mechanic, 
but recommended me to take it to Secretary Bancroft, as a man of universal talents 
in the arts and sciences; he said he wa? the very man. Bancroft w.ii not in the 
city and ] wanted to be prepared for his return with a recommendation to his 
honor, from some genileme'i of known influence to command his respect. I met 
with Secretary Walker, and asked him a question of a right as to before whom 
the subject should be laid, and his reply was, before any one of the cabinet, or all 
as a body. Then sir, said I, you will please to examine it. He politely invited 
me along with him. The business at that time was certainly very troublesome, 
such as should be forever done away, by an act of congress. It was the great 
press of the people for their rights in rotatian to public office. After some trou- 
ble, he got time to give it a glance, and was to take another view of the subject, but 
never admitted me into his room any more, notwithstanding I repeatedly called and 
sent in for that purpose, prevented no doubt by a false report of me ; I believe 
him a true democrat, but he wants some common sense. 

1 tried the Secretary of State, but could not succeed for very justifiable reasons, 
a great press of diplomatic duties; next the Secretary of War, Marcy, who was 
lather unwilling at first, and I thought somewhat rough to me, but yielded at last; 
and gave the subject some small consideration. He recommended me to take it 
to Mr. Bancroft, the man of profound scientific knowledge, but v/onld give no 
opinion to him by way of examination. I still wanted a letter of introduction, 
and I will now st^te the reason, had absolutely heard that Bancroft was very aris- 
tocratic and I found him just that man. 

I went to commodore MoiTison, and to him, in the presence of sin Officer in the Na- 
vy, most powerfully delineated upon my theory, but to no purpose, he declared 
he could not understand it, but recommended me to Secretary Bancroft as being 
the very man. Bancroft returned, and I repaired to his room, with my very impor- 
tant diagrams. I could not be admitted, notwithstanding I saw to my astonishment 
(>thers continually preferred, and admitted, silk stocking gentlemen if you please, 
I saw some tarpaulin jackets that could not get to see him, and men on business. 
This continued for many days, at last J got angry, and declared I would see him, 
and was very loud about the matter. I remained until after office hours, and took 
the gentleman just as he came out. Well sir, said I, you will not admit me to see 
yon in your office, I hope you will allow me now to walk with you to your home, 
and state my business. I was positive as I was not pleased, he replied certainly sir; 
looking at me with amazement, and we continued together to his door, at which 
place he promised to attend to me in six days. 

1 waited the time, and called, but as before, could not be admitted ; eight days 
passed over of constant appeals but without success, while the eagle buttons were 
well attended to. I went one morning early, and- asked the messenger if I coidd 
see the Secretary; yes sir, said he, and opened the door, and I walked in, with a 
polite how. He looked at me for about one minute, steadily in my face, without 
speakincj, or asking me to take a seat, went to the door, opened it, went out, and I 
heard him reprimand the messenger for letting me in. Pie came back, holding the 
door with his left hand and pointing to it with his right, looking at me with a positive 



20 

countenance of disapprobation, and ^v'lth the gestures and irotious of an orator, 
mixed with that of an angry man, said, Mr. Tippatt, your business is with Com- 
modore Morrison, sir! your business is with Commodore Morrison, he is your man ! 

Bv tliis lime I had taken the hint of his ri^ht hand, and had gotten out into the 
passage, and replied with poUteness,sir, 1 have been with Comn:odore Morrison, and 
he has acl^nowiedged his incompetency to examine my diagrams and drawings. 
Then said he, with great power of rhetoric, and gestures of the right hand, go to 
the Secretary of War, he is your man, &c Sir, said I, I have been with the Secre- 
tary of War, and he has declared you to be th« man; moreover 1 have seen the 
President of <he L'. S. and he says it is your exclusive duties. He immediately 
closed the door in my face, and thus ended my interview with that most wonder- 
ful scientific and democratic gentleman who must have been carried away from 
his duties by some unjust account of me, as common sense would have dictated 
the propriety oi examining for himself. 

I went immediately to tlie President, called him out into an adjoining apart- 
ment, stated the case briefly, he said he would talk to the Secretary about it; was 
apparently very friendly, in every thing but one. I handed him a report made 
on my inventions to Secretary Henshaw, he said it was an old thing, and hand- 
ed it back to me without looking at it, except the date. This was not according 
to gunter all will admit. 

In two or three days I went back, and took my seat in the entry near the door ; 
it was cabinet day, and after some time Mr.. Bancroft came down and come to a 
kind of hdt near me, and politely said, Mr. Tippatt you have a devoted friend in 
the Secretary of State, to whom I would refer you with your diagrams, I assure 
you sir, he is your devoted friend, and immediately left me. Now if the Presi- 
dent had spoken to him why did he not in some sort repair the damages done to 
my old a<Te and experience, this would have been common sense. 

This was don? in the presence of many, and I was very sensibly reprimanded 
for not rising from my seat and making some reply to his honor; but I b.ad not 
forgotten his treatment at his office door. I went off and wrote an account of 
this event to Secretary Buchanan, iiiM'hich I desired to know, what I had done to 
gain his devoted friendship, and if so I desired an immediate interview, &c. 

I received no answer, or the least hope of an interview, although I went every 
day and tried to see him, by very friendly and polite notes. Eventually I got an- 
gry, and wrote a very harsh note to him, in which I charged him and Bancroft, 
with attempting to humbug me, &.c. This caused him to examine my papers, 
which had been sent in, ie-, the letter and a report from Mr- EUes to Secretary 
Henshaw now in the hands of Senator Benton. This report was sent out to me, 
with a request to call the next morning at nine. 

1 met him next day on his way to the President's; before he reached me, he 
gave his head an oblique direction, taking good sight wiih one eye, as he is 
used to do when he is about to give a dead shot, and thus acco.sted me ; well, 
Mr. Tippelt, indeed, I am not surprised at your getting angry at my not attending 
to you, when I see that 1 had been represented lo you by Mv. Bancroft as your 
devoted friend, laughing at tiie same time. The circumstance of the case was then 
talked over, and Mr. BancrolVs treatment not approved. He vary politely request- 
ed me to call at his own house at 3 o'clock next day, I did and found him a perfect 
gentleman ; but I cannot say that he has moral firmness or independence except on 
the Oreson question. He was as good as his word, he examined my diagrams, and 
promised to speak to Mr. Bancroft about it, if he did it had no eiFect, for common 
sense would have told him to send for me. 

1 have heard nothing of this since, have written several times to the President 
but no reply. I have seen him, but he looked at me with an eagle eye, and that 
is always sideways when about to pounce down upon its pray, lam not afraid of 
him, or his greattalents, I am as well acquainted with the duiitT, of the Executive 
q{ this nation, as he, Bancroft, Gov. Marcy, or any other man cotUiected with the 



21 

cabinet, and will now proceed to show and explain the duties belonging to that 
high and honorable oflice to which he hiis been elevaced ; and I will show that 
the equal rights of men must be our next great political contest, and that the car- 
dinal points in our constitution, must have the {)re-eininence over all other questions, 
however great they may be ; that the true democracy of this countr}', is equal 
rights and equal privileges without respect to party, money, or a fine appearance, 
that the minority have rights and privileges which must be supported as well as 
the majority by constitutional law. 

Democracy signifies a popular form of government, or a government ruled by 
the voice of the people, which signifies the majority of the people, hence when 
the minority becomes the majority, it is still democracy. Now can it be expect- 
ed that this government can long have a democratic form, if the rights of the peo- 
ple and laws of nations, are to be trampled upon by the silk stocking gentlemen of 
eagle buttons.'' A war may now be reasonably expected. Can it be supposed that 
the common people, in a free country will be forced from their dear families, aad 
happy homes to tight the battles of the nation to support a system of aristocracy 
and favoritism ? 

Can it be supposed tjiat the peoi)le are ignorant of their rights under the Con- 
stitution and the laws of Congress, because tliey happen not to be clothed in pur- 
ple and fine linen } It is a wide mistake ; the best talents of this nation and all 
other nations, are to be found among the mechanical and labouring part of the 
community, and they are now watcliing with a careful e^'e the movements of ar- 
istocratic power and oppression ; and for their benefit and information, this Ex- 
posure has been written, but not for party motives all will see. 

James K. Polk has it in his power to be one of the most popular Presidents 
that has ever been elevated to the Chief magistracy of this nation, but if he does not 
carry out the equal rights and equal priviiegns of man, or in other words equal 
access to all the honors and profits of the nation, by recommending to couf^Tess 
Special provision for that purpose, he will be truly despised by the democracy and 
looked upon as a deceiver ; 1 humbly pray to God that he may be the man. 

The executive power of the American government must now be explained 
for the information, and common interest of the country. Under this power, the 
equal rights and equal privileges of the peojjle of the United States, are to ba 
maintained according to the declaration of our iiidependence. 

This power is simple, and veiy compact, it is easy to be explained, but has 
never been set forth in such colors, as to be properly understood and adminis- 
tered. The rights of the American people are to be maintained by the law and 
the testimony, without partiality of favoritism. The poor .soldier, or the com- 
mon people, are to have equal chance of testimony with the rich or silk stocking 
gentlemen, in all cases of equity, in .support of character of or justice. 

He that violates the law, is never to be called upon to decide his ovi^n case of 
oppression, it must come to the law and the testimony in all instances, and deci- 
ded by a disinterested power, on solemn oath. iVn}'^ gentleman known to be in- 
terested on the one side or the other, is not a proper subject for a juror, or to fill 
up the numbci' of a court m:irtial,and may be objected to by proper representation.' 

The, executive power of this nation is vested in the President of the United 
States. This signifies, to execute, to carr}^ into effect, to have properly fulfilled 
and well adjusted, all the laws or the acts of the Congress of the United States, 
at tlie will of the people. 

The President of the United States has no power of his own, he is no arbitra- 
ry monarch, he is the Executive of the nation, and bound by solemn oath, to see 
the laws of the United States respected and obeyed, to support and maintain the 
true principles contained in the American Constitution, and to carry out the true 
meaning of equal rights, and equal privileges as set forth in the declaration of our 
independence ; this being the foundation of the American compact, and the very 
essence of the American revolution. 



09 



There is not one particle of power granted to any one of his agents, or secre- 
taries, to act without his immediate consent, and no arbitrary power or authori- 
ty lias been granted to any General, Commander, or officer of any grade, to usurp 
an oppressive power over those under their command. Every man's duty is pre- 
scribed by the law and must be supported by the law, and the testimony, with- 
out favor or affection, upon the true principle of equal rights. 

The duty of each Secretary, to bring to the notice of the President of the Uni- 
ted Slates, from his department, every violation of the law, and every complaint, 
with all the testimony requisite for the adjustment of the case, upon the true 
principles of equal rights, and equal privileges, and the complainant has a right to 
demand it, however poor or low he may be in pecuniary matters or meanly 
dressed ; provided he is an American citizen, he must be protected, as well as those 
gentlemen of eagle coats, and of shining buttons. 

The President of the United States has been wisely provided for, by a choice 
of proper counsel for him in all the business of the nation. He should be a man of 
good natural abilities, of known sound judgment, and of strict moral firmness, 
integrity, and independence. There is no necessity for his being a lawyer or a 
o-reat general. It is only necessary, that he should be a man of good common 
sense, a man of known charitable principles, firmly rivitted to the equal right3 of 
man, as set down in the declaration of our independence. 

His Cabinet Council should be men of very particular choice, not only men of 
strict moral firmness, integrity, and independence, but men of long experience in 
legislative matters, and known to maintain his devoted priiicples to true democra- 
cy. The United States' Attorney General, should l)e a lawyei- of the first order, 
for the best of reasons. The President is the Commander in Chief of all the ar- 
mies of the United States, and hence, is derived the name Attorney General. The 
United States' Attorney General is the President's aidecamp. The word attorney 
signifies, a lawyer, one who manages or pleads for another. 

The United Slates Attorney General is the President's first commander in the 
law; to him every dispute, every violation, every act of oppression, everj^ claim 
and every wrong under the law, not decided by himself should be submitted, and 
liis opinion handed to the President in writing, and placed upon record, after it 
shall have been properly tried by tlie law and the testimony. The U. S. Attor- 
General should be, and must be upon solemn oath, bound to decide all cases with 
a wise reference to the law, and the equal rights of man. 

The U. S. Attorney General is the people's lavvyer to defend their rights aginst 
oppression under the general government, he is not tin; lawyer for the oppressor 
against the law, but the expounder of the law for the President in favour of the 
oppressed. This will prove that the U. S. Attorney General, holds one of the 
most responsible offices under the government of the U. S. ; and it will also show 
that the manner and mode of settling claims or disputes where the law has been vi- 
olated, that the rights of the people have not been properly administered. 

The office of the U. S. Attorney General should be separate and distinct from 
all other offices, as his duties are to try all cases of violation of justice under the 
law in all other departments, and it should be so from the fact, ihat the Secretaries 
should not be subjected to any thing but the strict duties of the Office according 
to the law. 'jlie Congress of the U. S. is the people's Supreme Court ot appeal, 
from the decision of the President and his Attorney General, and from thence to 
the Supreme Court of the United Slates. If then any gentleman has a claim 
against the government originating from the ibuseof power, in any of the depart- 
ments he has only to put his finger upon the law, by which it is sustained and sub- 
mit it to the President of the U. S., whose first duty is to call upon the Secreta- 
ry for the facts in connection with the case, it is not his business to decide, or call 
upon the offender of the law to decide in his own favor. 

And lastly, " the President, Vice President and all the civil officers of the United 
Stales, shall be. removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of trea- 



23 

son, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors"; (Constitution, art. 2, 
sec. 4,) and I know of no greater misdemeanor than that ol' partiality and favor- 
itism to the support of a man, who has violated the moral law of God and of Con- 
gress ; who has told a positive falsehood to the injury of his fellow man, and 
which can be proved by sound materials in a court of equity and justice of testi- 
mony. 

By this it will have been seen, that no man can be dismissed from his situation, 
once obtained, but by a regular system of impeacliment and conviction, that both the 
law and the testimony must decide all cases of violation, disobedience or disqualifi- 
cation and that the Congress of the United States has wisely framed laws to this 
effect, yet it must be admitted that there sliould be a stipulated period for oflice, to 
carry out the true principles of equal rights under tlu; constitution of the U. S. 
and that the Congress of the United States, should fix upon some regular and 
equal system of rotation, to relieve the President and his cabinet of all censure, 
that they should stipulate the period and the proper mode of appointments, to put 
down party hatred, and that no man should be appointed to office, unless he was 
well qualiried. ( See Constitution sec. II, art. 2.) 

To the people of the United States; the President, and both houses of Con- 
gress, I humbly dedicate this pamphlet, and my pamphlet of May, 184.5, upon this 
subject, as my true sentiments for their consideration without party motives, fa- 
vour or affection, for any thing, but the glory and honor of the Ameiican De- 
mocracy and its everlasting perpetuation. 

CHAPTER XI. ^ 

Now there is one thing that must be noticed as the cap stone of this republican 
structure. Nolwithsland'.ng the express language of the constitution, as here 
stated in this article, every gentleman who has been elevated to the high and 
lionorable office of the Presidency, has continued to violate it, in the very face of 
the Constitution. It is to be noticed that every stump orator, and all who have taken 
a conspicuous part in the elevation of President, immediately repair to the seat of 
government for office, as if this was the conditions upon which he was ejected; thou- 
sands hop down upon him like flies in a tar barrel. They demand the situations of 
those who happen to be of the opposite party, and the Executive must do something 
to satisfy and quell this insurrection made upon hirn by his friends, for the great loss 
they have sustained in the couibat. Each party has been more or less guilty of 
this conduct, to the disgrace of this nation, while Congress has passed no act to 
prevent it, and yet it has been made their duty in the second article of the 
Constitution of the United States. 

But the most ridiculous conduct is this fact, they look out for those unfortu- 
nate men, who have no influence, as I have before hinted, those who have no 
friends ot standing in office, or relation of consequence, attached to the army or 
navy, no rich relative in the office ; they immediately pounce down upon these 
unfortunate men, who are generaliy the best clerks. They must be removed to 
make room for others. This is indeed a corrupt and shameful stale of things, and 
deserves loud repudiation ; no man of wealth must be removed, however 
long in office, those who have been feasting upon the best for thirty or forty years, 
and are now wealthy, must remain, notwithstanding he may be decidedly opposed 
to the administration. None are removed, but the poor and the helpless, and 
what is more shameful, men of first rate qualifications, have been removed to 
make room for others, who had only been in office a short period, say from one to 
three years. 

And all this appears to be done, that it may be sounded throughout the coun- 
try, that the new administration is carrying out the views of the people in eqnal 
rights and equal privileges to admiration, while they are totally ignorant of the 
facts, and know not these shameful acts of injustice. The people of this coun- 
try, are unanimously in fp.vorofa regular and equal system of rotation to public 



24 

office by law, but not by arbitrary power. They wish to see a stipulated period 
for office, and the rights of the peolpe secured bylaw, without partiality or fa- 
voritism. They wish to see those who have been ia office, for a number of 
years, and now wealthy, or ought to be so, removed and made to fall back in 
the rear, and others brought up to the front of the battle, that they may have an 
opportunity to show their valor. 

On examination it will have been found, that not one of the Presidents of the 
United States have ever referred this subject to congress for modification in their 
messages; perhaps for one of two reasons, first, because they did not understand 
that it was a violation of the constitution, which is not very likely. I think it is 
more to be believed, that they have neglected it because they had a Vv-ish to re- 
tain a power, made by usage, as Gen. R. Jones says in his report to Gen. Ma- 
comb against me, June 15, 1835, to- oppress the poor and the weak ; and to chas- 
tise their opponents. 1 assure the pubh'c that James K. Polk was not without this 
view of the subject, for 1 ser.t to him the first copy of my pamphlet of May 1845, 
but perhaps it was not noticed, it was not the production of a great man. 

The government of the U. S. ought not only to grant me my claim, but to 
vote me one thousand dollars for this independent work; at least each member 
ought to send me one dollar per copy, as I am very cert.un it will bring them to 
judgment. If James K- Polk had read, or published this article of the consiitu- 
tion and hnd shown to the people the extent of his power, and had admonished 
his friends to stay at home until the next Congress, and then had submitted the 
subject to the Congress of the United States, showing the necessity of establish- 
ing by law, a regular system of rotat'ion to office, his nanie would have been haud- 
ed down by the people te the last ages of the world. 

But I must here make some apology for the Executive; all will agree that/it 
was according to usage, as Gen. R. Jones says in his report, and theref)re he/ns 
a right to violate this article of the consiitution, and truly if evil for evil igrcor- 
rect, and that to dismiss a man for party motives is right, he is justified/m^cause 
it is usage ; but let me inform the public that usage or custom never made a law 
and must be done away and the law set up for usage. Reason and common sense 
is the foundation of all law. Major Hook discharged mj- son because he usurped 
the power of usage, and so did R. Jones in my case, and never expected it would 
he exposed to public view; if the public journals had been as independent as 
they should have been, my views would have been before the public long ago. 
Since my late pamphlet of May 1845, I have been frequently called upon by 
gentlemen of standing to write upon this subject and have done it; but they have 
refused to publish them because they were des'itute of moral firmness, or inde- 
pendence about the government, while the people at a distance have suffered for 
the truih. 

The Constitution (art. II. sec. 2.) says, that "the Congress may by law vest 
the appointments of such inferior Officers as they think proper in the President 
alone, in the courts of lav/, or in the he.^ds of departments," but it does not say 
that they shall have the power of discharging them contrary to law; on the con- 
trary it expressly says that they shall be removed on impeachment for, and con- 
viction of, treason, bribery or other high crimes and misdemeanors." 

By this it must appear very conclusive that Congress has not the pov/er to 
pass a law to dismiss, or discharge a man from Office, or fro ii his contract made 
with the government, without some offence ; that he must be tried b}' tli<; law and 
the testimony, and indeed it must be so, or our form of government v.'oiild be a 
shameful system of aristocracy and favoritism ; there would be no safety in an 
office, hence there must be law for the appointments, and law for the time and 
mode of discharge. 

I am, fellow citizens and people of the U. S,, Your Obedient Servant, 

EDWARD D. TIPPETT. 
^YashiDgton, D. C, May 8, 1S46. 

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